In this article, thanks to phenomenological approach, an attempt is made to account the correlation between globalization and neo-regionalism. In the process, the finding of this scholar convinced him to reject antithetical correlation between the two. Instead, he argues neo-regionalism is and ecopolitical current to adjust globalization. In the final analysis, it is argued both currents are reinforcing one another in transforming the underlying structure of global system.

The main purpose of this paper is exploring the nature of tourism relation with higher education in the light of conflict theory. This paper is addressing to how extend the policies of tourism development planning and higher education in Iran are convergent or divergent. Since the nature of policy making in two socio–cultural issues such as tourism and higher education are effected from complicated social science bases like power, discipline T conflict, convergent or divergent, so by using of a phenomena-analytical methodology and applying different sources such as review of literature, documents of last five development planning in Iran, review of scholars, and websites of different organization relevant to tourism and higher education, collected data are examined by using of content analysis method. The results indicated that: a- in the last five year development planning of Iran there are less policies to make a relation between Tourism and Higher Education, b-in the first draft of the sixth five year development planning of Iran new relations are considered but due to the current divergent between tourism and higher education activities its successful under critical situation, c-development of tourism must be considered as an interdisciplinary science in the universities and higher education institutions.

In post-Saddam Iraq, the identity contest and lack of an inclusive government in organising these competitions paved the way for identity conflict. This crisis caused increasing social divergence and acted as an obstacle for national and collective identity formation as preconditions in national government and political order establishment. In post-Saddam Iraq, the events such as ISIS rise, the Kurdish independence issue, the fragmentation between the political and religious groups, etc., show the identity policies’,confrontation. In identity confrontation, Iraq’, s solution is resorting to identity interaction and to an inclusive and strong government establishment where can have all ethnic and religious groups (Kurds, Arabs, Shias, and Sunnis) trust and cooperation. Explaining the different trends of various identities in Iraq and examining the identity crises which have prevented an efficient government and a cohesive nation emergence, this descriptive-analytic research seeks to answer this question: ‘, In Iraq, are the different identities’,orientations in confrontation or interaction? ’,The results indicated that a two-way and inverse relationship between them, i. e., the incomplete identity interaction process, has created numerous crises leading to a confrontation between ethnic and religious groups. This flawed process has led to the spreading and intensifying national and regional conflict. The present study used library resources and information, applying constructive theory.

This research investigates and analyzes Attar's constructive interactions and confrontations with the principles of philosophical mysticism and reveals the effect of this constructive interaction and confrontation in the transformation of one-dimensional monastic mysticism into dynamic discoursal and rational mysticism. The research problem addressed by this study is which parts of the approaches, methods and instruments of Ibn Sina's (Avicenna’ s) philosophical mysticism have been adopted by Attar in framing the structure and symbolic-allegorical content of his three mystical Masnavis and what interactions or confrontations he has had with the principles of philosophical mysticism. This analytic-argumentative library research was conducted via close study of rational and mystical concepts in the content of the related texts and the reasoning and deductions were based on logical analysis. The purpose of this research is to identify Attar's dual approaches to the principles and content of Avicenna's Risalat-ut-Tayr and the theory of Grace and Intellect— as the basics of philosophical mysticism— and to distinguish their useful and harmful aspects. It also aims to identify Attar's approach in interacting with harmful aspects and optimizing or modifying them to reduce their harms. The significance of the study is to critique Attar's performance in optimal use of the principles of philosophical mysticism, methods, and instruments for developing and justifying the desired levels of his mystical manner. The findings of this study can aid to better understand Attar's approach to mysticism and the impact of his Masnavis on elevating the methods and instruments of mystical recognition.

Regarding the way of facing the West and modernity, Ahmed Fardid is among the thinkers who, by adopting a philosophical and judgmental approach, rejects modernity, philosophy, and western civilization in its entirety. Fardid considers modernity and the West to have an inherent crisis and considers any attempt to patch up modernity with Eastern religions or cultures futile. Fardid, who is the creator of the word “Gharbzadegi (Westoxification)”, considers human sciences and Western civilization to be nothing more than the inciting soul vanities and blasphemy. By adopting an essentialist and negative approach towards the modern world, he calls for a complete break from the subjectivism and humanism associated with the modern world and a return to Islamic-oriented philosophy (Hekmat-e Onsi). Seyyed Hossein Nasr, as a traditionalist thinker, rejects Western civilization and modernity as a unified whole. He wants to incorporate modern science and reason and take perennial philosophy. In this paper, via a comparative analysis method, this hypothesis is examined that although Fardid and Nasr are sympathizers in the complete negation and rejection of the modern world, Fardid confronts modernity and its consequent subjectivism using Heidegger’s western thought. This is when Nasr confronts modernity from the perspective of a traditionalist thinker who believes in the foundations of tradition. Nasr considers the return to the perennial philosophy to solve confronting the Western world and modernity, but Fardid faced with the modern world, emphasizes that although modernity is the exposure of self-fulfillment, one must strive to overcome it. It is difficult to return to the past.

AbstractIn ancient times, there was always a significant connection between political principles and values and religious ideas. Among these, the first principle is the interaction and confrontation between religion and governance, which is one of the important pillars of the political structure of ancient Iran, citing Ferdowsi's epic, and has been addressed in literary texts. In the days of the power of the kings of ancient Iran, the relationship between the two was sometimes accompanied by interaction and sometimes by confrontation. During the contents of Shahnameh, many references have been made to this issue. In this article, we have tried to analyze the cases of interaction and confrontation between these two variables from the perspective of Ferdowsi Shahnameh, to count the cases and their reasons from the text of Shahnameh Ehsa and to analyze how these confrontations have affected the system of governance. This research has been done by analytical-descriptive method and the structure of the institution of government and religion has been categorized according to each period, then each of the two variables has been analyzed with evidence. In addition to this research, we have found that in many cases, the confrontation between the two has led to important results and as Farreh Izadi is a sign of a deep relationship between government and religion, the confrontation between the two has led to the destruction of political structure and social system.

Examining the relations between tribes and tribes is one of the important topics of Iranian history. This issue is more important in the Safavid period, especially in the western regions of Iran, due to the hostile relations with the Ottoman government. In this article, the activism of two Kurdish clans of this region, namely Ardalan and Zanganeh, has been analyzed analytically in regional, national and inter-territorial developments. What are the main components of their internal relations (with each other) and external relations (with the central government of Iran and the Ottoman Empire) and what has been the impact of these relations on regional developments? In this research, it is descriptive-analytical and by referring to the main sources, especially local Kurdish and Persian sources, focusing on the research question, extracting historical data, and after measuring and evaluating the content, it is set with an analytical approach. The results of the research show that during the Safavid era, the mentioned clans, especially the Ardalan clan, which had the sovereignty of the Kurdistan states, were among the political and military activists in the west of the country and gained great importance. In this period, on the one hand, with the type of relations they established with the Safavid government and on the other hand, due to the constant conflicts they had with each other, they created the ground for the emergence of annexation unrest in the states of Kurdistan and Kermanshahs, which sometimes attacked the central government as well. had faced challenges. At the end of the Safavid government, the internal weakness of the Ardalan clan and the forced dispersion of people from the Zanganeh clan in different regions of Iran by the order of the Safavid kings, gradually led them to avoid conflict and desire to interact with each other.

The failure of constitutionalists in meeting their desires in economical, political and social arenas during the first parliament (1906-1908) and second parliament (1909-1911) and consequently the unwanted involvement of Iran government in the First World War led to the development of political-social movements in some regions of Iran. Jungle Movement could be considered the widest and the most influential movements but the inhomogeneous structure in the forces of Jungle Movement became as an obstacle for growth and development of the movement in the other regions. On the other side, group disputes in Jungle Movements led to the formation of extremist parties among the communist and religious members, in spite of all mediations of members between two groups, the actions of each party led to some severe changes in Jungle Movement which in turn led to antagonism between revolutionaries and decline of revolutionary movement. The present article tries to study the relations between Jungle parties and occurrence process of disputes between the mentioned parties.

Indirect interference of the host State with the investor's right to property has made it very difficult to decide whether the usual restrictions resulting from government intervention are considered expropriation or not. On the one hand, the exceptions to the right of the State to exercise public interest are expanding and on the other hand, the investor seeks economic benefits and stability. The question is what is the most achievable criterion for establishing a balance between the right of the State and the interests of the investor? The present study, after reviewing and analyzing existing theories and justifying the need to amend investment treaties and then review the domestic legal systems, concluded that, in the perspective of international investment, this is slow but decisively rotating towards a new generation of treaties, with emphasis on the right of States to regulate as an inherent right in the State sovereignty, it also creates an attractive space for investment. Therefore, recognizing the right of regulation as a starting point in any treaty can be a framework for creating bilateral or multilateral investment treaties that has not been very successful so far.